Timeline: Hugo Chavez

Timeline: Hugo Chavez
28 July, 1954
Hugo Chavez Frias is born in Sabaneta state of Barinas

1971
Enrols in the Academy of Military Sciences

1975
Graduates from the Academy of Military Sciences

1982
Chavez organises the Bolivarian Revolutionary Movement
LETTERSPACING0 KERNING0Hugo Chavez creates a new political cell within the army with two other army officers. The MBR200 the 200 was a reference to the 200th anniversary of Simon Bolivar's birth is committed to overthrowing the political establishment which it regards as corrupt and unrepresentative. While it is a military movement it has alliances with leftwing groups.
27 February, 1989
Violence erupts in Caracas
LETTERSPACING0 KERNING0Hundreds of people mainly in the capital's poor neighbourhoods are killed in the Caracazo riots possibly the worst in the country's history. The army is ordered out onto the streets to quell the unrest sparked by discontent over a rise in the price of petrol. Lt Chavez is ill and not called on to suppress the rioters. People close to him say that this "missed opportunity" led him to intensify his preparations for a coup.
4 February, 1992
Chavez leads a failed coup against Carlos Andres Perez
LETTERSPACING0 KERNING0Under Col Chavez's command soldiers loyal to the MBR200 try to seize key installations including the Miraflores presidential palace. When it becomes apparent the coup attempt has failed Col Chavez surrenders and asks to be allowed to speak on TV before being sent to prison. His oneminute broadcast in which he says the coup has failed "for the moment" catapults him into the national spotlight.
1994
Chavez is released from Yare prison
LETTERSPACING0 KERNING0President Hugo Chavez receives a presidential pardon and is freed. LETTERSPACING0 KERNING0After his release he reforms the MBR200 and creates a political party the Fifth Republic Movement MVR.
6 December, 1998
Chavez is elected president with 56 of vote

2 February, 1999
Hugo Chavez is sworn in as president
LETTERSPACING0 KERNING0On assuming the presidency Mr Chavez announces he will call a referendum to decide whether elections should be held for a constitutional assembly to draft a new constitution.
25 April, 1999
88 of voters say yes to a constitutional assembly

25 July, 1999
Elections for a constitutional assembly are held
LETTERSPACING0 KERNING0Supporters of President Chavez obtain most of the 131 seats in the assembly which will have the task of rewriting the 1961 constitution.
15 December, 1999
New constitution ratfied by 71 of voters
LETTERSPACING0 KERNING0The new Bolivarian Constitution is approved in a referendum by an overwhelming majority inaugurating the socalled Fifth Republic. The country's name is officially changed to become the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela. Major changes are also made to the structure of the government and its responsibilities.
30 July, 2000
Chavez is reelected under the new constitution
LETTERSPACING0 KERNING0In the socalled megaelections for president deputies governors and mayors Hugo Chavez gets 59 of the vote. He is given a new sixyear mandate with the possibility of reelection for six new years. His supporters also gain control of the National Assembly.
10 August, 2000
Chavez visits Iraq ignoring US objections
LETTERSPACING0 KERNING0President Chavez becomes the first foreign head of state to visit Iraq since the 1991 Gulf War in defiance of the US which voices strong opposition.
22 August, 2000
President Chavez is sworn in for a second time

November, 2000
Chavez given special powers
LETTERSPACING0 KERNING0The National Assembly approves the Enabling Law Ley Habilitante allowing the president to legislate by decree for one year on economic social and public administration matters.
November, 2001
Fortynine laws are passed by decree
LETTERSPACING0 KERNING0Before the Enabling Law expires Mr Chavez approves 49 laws by decree including ones relating to the oil industry and land reform. The move sparks protests from the opposition businesses and trade unions. It also prompt the resignation of cabinet minister Luis Miquilena who has an important following in the judiciary and the National Assembly. The resignation is seen as a serious blow to the Chavez government.
10 December, 2001
Business groups and unions call a national strike
LETTERSPACING0 KERNING0Venezuela's leading business association Fedecamaras leads a oneday general strike in protest against the new laws. Thousands of businesses as well as the country's largest labour union confederation the CTV take part.
February, 2002
Head of stateowned oil firm is sacked by Chavez
LETTERSPACING0 KERNING0President Chavez fires retired General Guaicaipuro Lameda as head of Petroleos de Venezuela PDVSA replacing him with a former Communist militant. Officials and workers at PDVSA slow down production in protest. Meanwhile the bolivar plummets against the US dollar and the economy goes into recession.
9 April, 2002
Businesses and unions call indefinite strike
LETTERSPACING0 KERNING0Trade unions and Fedecamaras declare a general strike in support of PDVSA dissidents. Protesters demand the resignation of President Chavez.
11 April, 2002
AntiChavez protest turns violent
LETTERSPACING0 KERNING0Some 150000 people rally in support of the strike and oil protest. National Guard and proChavez gunmen clash with protesters more than 10 people are killed and 110 injured. Highranking members of the military rebel and demand the president's resignation.
12 April, 2002
Opposition and military mount coup
LETTERSPACING0 KERNING0The head of the armed forces announces that the president has resigned a claim that is later denied by Mr Chavez. President Chavez is taken into military custody. Pedro Carmona one of the strike organisers is named head of the transitional government.
14 April, 2002
Chavez returns to power
LETTERSPACING0 KERNING0Interim leader Mr Carmona resigns in the face of massive street protests demanding the the president's return and the loss of military support. In the days that follow the US denies having backed the failed coup as many people allege but acknowledges it did meet members of the opposition.
2 December, 2002
Opposition strike cripples the oil industry
LETTERSPACING0 KERNING0A nineweek stoppage organised by business leaders and the CTV and joined by the captains who command the oil tankers and PDVSA managers brings oil exports to a halt and leads to shortages in the country. Venezuela is forced to import oil. The strike is very damaging to the economy and according to many analysts backfires as the strike organisers are blamed for the shortages.
August, 2003
Opposition presents signatures calling for recall referendum
LETTERSPACING0 KERNING0The opposition produces petitions said to contain three million names backing a referendum on a recall vote. But they are ruled inadmissable by the electoral authorities who argue that most of them were gathered earlier in the year before Mr Chavez reached the midterm point established by the constitution for a recall vote.
December, 2003
New list of signatures for recall is handed in

2 March, 2004
Referendum ruling sparks protests
LETTERSPACING0 KERNING0The electoral council says only 1.9 million of the 3.4 million signatures the opposition claims to have collected are valid. Protests erupt around the country leaving at least eight people dead over a number of days.
21 April, 2004
Compromise agreed on disputed signatures
LETTERSPACING0 KERNING0The electoral authorities announce that the disputed signatures will be checked over a fiveday period beginning on 27 May then recounted over three days beginning on 1 June.
15 August, 2004
Chavez wins referendum on his rule
LETTERSPACING0 KERNING0President Chavez receives the backing of about 58 of the electorate. His opponents reject the outcome and allege fraud but international observers say it has been a fair election.
December, 2004
Castro and Chavez propose regional alternative
LETTERSPACING0 KERNING0On a visit to Havana President Chavez and his Cuban counterpart Fidel Castro propose the creation of the Bolivarian Alternative for the Americas Alba a regional pact to accelerate integration and an alternative to the USbacked Free Trade Agreement for the Americas FTAA. Venezuela also increases its supply of oil to Cuba in return for more Cuban doctors health workers and teachers.
10 January, 2005
Venezuela implements land reform

February, 2005
US is trying to kill me Chavez says
LETTERSPACING0 KERNING0President Chavez accuses Washington of planning to kill him. "If I am assassinated there is only one person responsible the president of the United States" Mr Chavez says during his weekly radio and TV show Hello President. It is one of many rows between Caracas and Washington.
4 December, 2005
Chavez allies win legislative poll boycotted by opposition
LETTERSPACING0 KERNING0Parties allied to President Chavez win all 167 seats in the National Assembly. None of the five main opposition parties take part in the process accusing the electoral body of bias. Only about 25 of registered voters cast a ballot. LETTERSPACING0 KERNING0
19 February, 2006
Chavez says he could seek further terms
LETTERSPACING0 KERNING0Mr Chavez says he is thinking of calling a referendum to allow him to run for another term in the 2012 elections.
1 August, 2006
Campaigning starts ahead of presidential poll
LETTERSPACING0 KERNING0Campaigning officially begins ahead of the 3 December elections. It is the first time in Venezuela's history that a president is seeking a third consecutive term.
19 September, 2006
Bush is the devil Chavez tells the UN
LETTERSPACING0 KERNING0Hugo Chavez calls US President George W Bush "the devil" in a speech at the United Nations General Assembly. Many analysts believe this address later cost Venezuela a nonpermanent seat at the UN Security Council as it failed to get the necessary votes.

Story from BBC NEWS:
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Published: 2006/11/24 16:34:18 GMT

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Viewpoints: What kind of a leader is Chavez?
Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez is up for re-election on 3 December. Since he was swept into power in 1998, he has proved to be controversial figure - loathed and revered - both at home and abroad.

Six writers and commentators give their views.

Click on the links below to read what they have to say.

Roger Noriega, former Bush administration official

Margarita Lopez Maya, Venezuelan historian

Alberto Garrido, Venezuelan political analyst



Abraham Aparicio, Venezuelan student leader

Daniel Duquenal, Venezuelan blogger

Julia Buxton, British academic

Roger Noriega was an official of the Bush administration from 2001 to 2005. He is a visiting fellow of the American Enterprise Institute.

Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez is a typical Latin American caudillo (strongman) who achieved an international profile primarily because of his lavish petrodollar diplomacy.

He has used [his] powers to harass the independent media and potential opponents
At home, he has forged an intensely ideological, combative, and intolerant regime, brandishing polarising rhetoric to divide and incite social classes and mobilising the tools of the state to suppress and persecute his opponents.

Since taking office, he has systematically concentrated power under his "revolution". He rewrote the constitution to eliminate checks and balances in order to consolidate power in his hands.

His 1999 constitution eliminated the senate, did away with congressional oversight of the armed forces, and politicised the judiciary.

He has used these powers to harass the independent media and potential opponents.

I believe his failure to win a UN Security Council seat, which was his to lose, will be seen as the high water mark for "Chavismo".


HAVE YOUR SAY
I am convinced that a big change is necessary but it has not yet arrived. The solution is not Chavez
Sara Tosta, Caracas, Venezuela
With his bombastic performance at the UN General Assembly, Venezuelans witness that his revolutionary message and outlandish spending abroad have bought him national humiliation. His allies in Bolivia, Peru, and Mexico have fallen flat, and his mentor Castro is breathing his last.

At home, Venezuelans have grown poorer, less secure, and more divided under his rule. Chavez's political opposition is uniting behind an able and tough politician, experienced governor Manuel Rosales.

There is much evidence that Chavez has lost "the street" and some polls show the opposition closing the gap despite a government-funded campaign.

Electoral observers of the Organization of American States and the European Union have an important responsibility to ensure a free and fair election. But more and more every day, Venezuelans are realising that if they are to reclaim their democracy, they will have to toughen up and do it themselves.

Margarita Lopez Maya is a historian and a professor at the Central University of Venezuela.

I met Chavez in 1997, when I was looking for information on new figures in the Left. I had an interview with him which lasted about two hours.

Maybe Chavez will surprise me again
I mention this because I found him to be a warm, affable person - we had a good conversation.

What surprised me the most was his interpretation of Venezuelan history - his notion that, for the poor, nothing had changed since independence in 1830.

I was impressed when he said he did not want to become a myth, remembered because of his TV appearance after the 1992 coup.

Now, when I see him on TV, and I see the impassioned crowds screaming and crying, I find it hard to believe this is the same man I met in 1997. I think I am immune to the passions this charismatic leader arouses.

I see Chavez as a powerful and extremely contradictory political figure.

His determination to reach power, to deepen democracy - giving Venezuelans full participation and social equality - is worthy of the highest praise.

His ability to survive ferocious attacks from the Right - Venezuelan and international - show his political skill.

However there are threats looming over the process of democratisation: Chavez's desire to be the one who is essential in the process; his furious outbursts; his refusal to leave behind the polarising discourse; surrounding himself with people who are unable to treat him as an equal, and his desire to perpetuate himself in power and centralise it.

I see Chavez as a politician of the transition - as long as he keeps the process polarised, the country divided, we will not be able to achieve the new system we seek.

But maybe Chavez will surprise me again and manage to transcend himself and become a statesman.

Alberto Garrido is a political analyst and author of a number of books about President Chavez.

Chavez is a very intelligent man - politically brave and bold. I think he is a great politician.

He is a formidable pragmatist - he may be a great admirer of the Cuban Revolution, but if he feels it is not right for Venezuela, he will not apply it across the board.

Behind Chavez, there is a political cemetery
Chavez considers himself the bearer of a historic mission - to complete the work of [independence hero] Simon Bolivar. Fidel Castro calls it Latin America's second independence, the guerrillas called it emancipation - Chavez says the unipolar world must be replaced by a multipolar one.

Chavez isn't involved in small-scale things - he does not like them. That is why it bothers him so much to have to be involved in an election campaign.

He feels that political problems are geopolitical - they are global - and that is where he should be occupying his mind.

But he has to campaign because he is charismatic. He is what they call a man of the people. He does not suffer from embarrassment or have the trappings of traditional politicians - he can sing at meetings, recite, or dance if necessary. People feel he is close to them - they see him as one of their own.

He has leadership qualities, not only because he is a military man, but because he likes being in control and giving orders. Chavez is terrible when it comes to revenge - he is inexorable. There is no stopping him.

In his mind, there is no-one above him. No-one tells Chavez what to do. That makes him a very solitary figure - one with no commitments.

That has another consequence: those who work beside him are scared of him.

They know he does not make compromises, because he feels he has a mission ahead. So, he has left behind many of those who have started the process with him.

Behind Chavez, there is a political cemetery.

Abraham Aparicio is one of the leaders of the Bolivarian Federation of Students and a local community leader.

The president is a great leader, with all his virtues and defects. There are things that may have escaped him, things he has missed, but that is just human - to make mistakes is normal.

He is an ordinary guy, and has a lot of charisma
Those of us who are involved in the revolutionary process see him as someone who is very free. We have faith in the president - our hopes are placed in him to take the country forward.

The president is revolutionary, totally different to the people who have governed the country in the past.

These days, people are informed about what the government is doing, they are told where the money is being invested.

The president has himself been critical of certain things, such as the problems with housing and insecurity. He admits there are problems and that inspires me, as a community and student leader. I think we are going in the right direction.

The president has a very dynamic style of government. He often takes off his presidential investitures - he is like a friend, a father. He is an ordinary guy, and has a lot of charisma - that has helped him.

Those who accuse of him of being authoritarian should ask themselves what they mean by that.

If authoritarianism is giving more power to the people, then the concept of authoritarianism needs to be looked at again. If it is giving more opportunities for people to get an education, then one needs to ask what they mean.

The president is working for the people.

Daniel Duquenal is a well-known blogger writing in English from Yaracuy, Venezuela (Venezuela News and Views blog).

As a leader Chavez has been changing considerably over the years.

From your average military coupster in 1992, he evolved into a political leader able to unite a broad coalition from the right to the left for his 1998 election.

His military origins... make him view all political adversaries as enemies that must be crushed
But since then he has been drifting, becoming a leftist leader whose goal is to ensure the succession to Fidel Castro, to become the iconic image of the Latin America Left.

Chavez has revealed himself a purely political leader. The hands-on approach, monitoring whether the law and his orders, are fulfilled is not for him.

Chavez does not care much if the results are up to expectations or if they represent the will of the people. The only results that matter are those deriving from the politics of the "Bolivarian revolution" which aims to ensure its staying power over the decades, with Chavez in charge.

Chavez only worries about appearing as the only viable leader of the so-called revolution. His main concern has been to set the agenda alone, all the time, preferably every Sunday through his talk show Alo Presidente.

He has been very successful at this, even if along the way he has left a stupendous catalogue of promises made, but ignored.

In a country used to decades of populist governments, it has worked out quite well for Chavez who has simply outdone any previous Venezuelan leader's promises, but with more charisma and much better contact with the masses.

His military origins also make him view all political adversaries as enemies that must be crushed.

And there lies his weakness as a leader: once victory is achieved he does not know what to do with it, and thus he looks for new adversaries at home or abroad.

Along the way, he exhausts the country.

Julia Buxton is a senior research fellow at Department of Peace Studies, University of Bradford.

Hugo Chavez is usually dismissed as a "banana republic" strongman detached from the best interests of his country. The reality is more complex.

Chavez speaks the language of the excluded
He has led an important process of political change that has enhanced the quality of Venezuelan democracy by extending rights and opportunities to those previously marginalised by the two-party system that controlled politics (and distribution of the country's oil export resources) for 40 years.

This has made Chavez tremendously popular - not only in Venezuela but more widely - in countries where arcane models of "elite" control persist to the detriment of the poor, indigenous groups and women.

Chavez speaks the language of the excluded, his rhetorical flourishes tapping into and articulating the concerns of ordinary people.

The political transformation in Venezuela has been possible because Chavez led "from the front" and challenged elite vested interests.

However, the idea that Chavez is an all-powerful, unaccountable populist is misleading. The popular base of Chavismo is more autonomous than is reflected in media coverage of the country.

There is a strong two-way relationship between Chavez and his supporters and all changes have been approved in referendums or elections (10 of which have been held since 1999).

Chavez holds together an eclectic alliance of groups and his government has been constantly attacked by domestic opponents and the US. These factors have served to elevate the importance of Chavez's leadership - as arbiter of his movement's internal divisions and as defender of the revolution against "imperialist" aggression.

The surge in oil prices has given Chavez tremendous leverage and insulated Venezuela from US pressure.

Consequently, Chavez has been able to adopt an aggressive stance against perceived injustices - neo-liberal policies, the war in Iraq, the suffering of Palestinian people.

These sentiments come from a genuine and deep felt sense of grievance against the current global order.

However, as his speech at the recent UN meeting showed, Chavez has a penchant for microphone diplomacy and off-the-cuff remarks that undermine the legitimacy of the causes that he seeks to promote.
Story from BBC NEWS:
http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/2/hi/americas/6191348.stm

Published: 2006/12/01 08:51:57 GMT

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